Niall Ferguson on Free Speech

Fenster writes:

Niall Ferguson is liberalism’s favorite apostate.  He is not predictably conservative.  He is reliably contrarian but the liberal mind savors a little intellectual frisson, especially if it is put across in an erudite way.  He is not crude or doctrinaire like that low-rent bounder Alex Jones.

Plus, whatever happens he has got, the Oxford gun and they have not.

Liberals are attracted to their own kind,  especially aspirationally, and the patina of class, status and education can help put renegade opinions in a proper perspective.  It’s like the two main PBS stations in my home city of Boston.  The second-in-line World Channel, produced in cooperation with the flagship station WGBH, does the heavy lifting of pushing a Left agenda with a lot of identity politics themes.  That leaves the flagship WGBH to run Downton Abbey and other high class Brit offerings.  So a spoonful of Marmite helps the medicine go down.

It also helps, in being contrary, to pick one’s fights.  Take free speech, the subject of a column last year by Ferguson in the Boston Globe.  Ferguson describes himself as a free speech absolutist and my strong hunch is that a lot of liberal Globe readers think of themselves more or less the same way.  Liberalism has long been one the great defenders of free speech.  So a stirring defense of free speech such as the one presented in his column does not have to be a provocation to progressives.  They oughtta like it, if history is a guide.

The problem of course is that history has taken one of those odd turns that it is famous for, and the Left is now more often on the wrong side of the free speech issue than is the Right.  At least that is the gist of Ferguson’s column, and he is IMHO totally correct.  If the column traffics in Ferguson’s famed contrariness it does so in the most clever of ways–by attempting to drive a subtle wedge between his readers’ old instincts and their newfound alliances.

Ferguson has enough sense to start out with the ritual Trump-bashing that is obligatory nowadays even if you are aiming to stick it to progressives in the rest of the column.

(T)he worst thing about the Trump presidency is that its failure risks opening the door for the equal and opposite but much more ruthless populism of the left. Call me an unreconstructed Cold Warrior, but I find their tyranny a far more alarming — and more likely — prospect.

He then moves on to what he considers the white hot center of anti-free speech energy: the college campus.

Almost every month this year has seen at least one assault on free speech on an American college campus. In February the University of California, Berkeley, canceled a talk by Milo Yiannopoulos, the British “alt-right” journalist and provocateur, after a violent demonstration. In March students at Middlebury College in Vermont shouted down the sociologist Charles Murray and assaulted his faculty host. In April, it was the turn of conservative writer Heather MacDonald at Claremont McKenna and pro-Trump journalist Ann Coulter at Berkeley.

No problem here. I have posted a lot on free speech and have mostly focused on higher education, where the problem is acute.  Some of that is due to the excess passions of the young, especially the elite-in-training at wealthy private colleges.  Some of it is due to the excess of postmodernist thinking among a blinkered faculty, especially in the humanities.

Ferguson quotes NYU’s former vice provost Ulrich Baer:

“The idea of freedom of speech,” wrote Baer, “does not mean a blanket permission to say anything anybody thinks. It means balancing the inherent value of a given view with the obligation to ensure that other members of a given community can participate in discourse as fully recognized members of that community.”

BTW Fenster used that same quote by the hapless Baer in a post here at UR last year.

So yeah I agree with Ferguson that the problem comes from the Left more than the Right and that has been until recently most apparent on campuses.  Still, I think there are limitations to this kind of campus-based analysis.

Much has changed in the year since the column appeared.  A number of events in the recent past suggest that opposition to free speech has jumped the firewall between the hothouse of the academy and the real world.   There was, for instance, the firing of James Damore at Google.  That was on an issue of concern to the Left (women and technology) but do you really think that the senior managers at Google that fired him are actually practicing postmodern masters?

Andrew Sullivan wrote a few days ago about the hiring by the New York Times of Sarah Jeong:

(W)e all live on campus now.

And that’s true too.  But I don’t think it is sufficient to look at the assault on free speech as fundamentally about postmodern concepts like intersectionality and privilege being adopted sincerely in the real world.

What has been happening just in the past few months, weeks and days is arguably a lot worse.  The big social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube are now openly and actively trying to curb speech.  They all came down at once on Alex Jones’ conspiratorially-oriented website Infowars.  That is bad in itself.  Jones is erratic and publishes some theories without backup but he is no threat to the republic.  Meanwhile those same sites leave up all manner of cuckoo stuff by Islamists preaching the killing of Jews and blacks demeaning whites.  And without a pause to take a breath after suppressing Infowars the heads of social media companies have started the purge of normals.

So the real, tangible threat to free speech is coming not from the academy but from social media.  Are the two connected?  Sure.  It is the Right that is being throttled by social media not the Left so of course the problem is, as Ferguson writes, arising more from the Left than the Right.

But I do not think the heads of these multi-billion dollar social media companies are animated by the kind of academic postmodernism that Ferguson correctly decries and puts forth as the driver of the action.  The opposition to free speech in the real world, while still pushing Left over Right, has morphed from ideology-driven passion into a calm management technique employed to secure the interests of the censors.

In the 20th century the communists and fascists came to power with idealistic notions rattling around in their heads.  But human nature is what it is, and when you give large institutions unfettered power it will be abused.  So I don’t think social media curbs presage a Left utopia, or that that is even the aim.

Throttling speech is much more likely to result in an old fashioned centralization of power for its own sake.  If and when the custodians of that power want to turn their attention to pesky campus social justice warriors those warriors will go down next.  Whatever gets in the way.


Note: here is the rogue leftie publication Jacobite pointing out that Sarah Jeong’s racist tweets are mostly an exercise in power.  I agree.  She is probably a careerist first, and if in her formative years she’d been fed a different bowl of tripe and told to regurgitate it she’d be doing that now.  A racist of convenience.

 

 

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Quotes from a New Yorker Article

Fabrizio del Wrongo writes:

Today there is a craft-coffee shop across the street, on the first floor of a building from 1898, which was home to the S. H. Kress & Co. department store. During a recent renovation, workers found bricks made by enslaved women, which were donated to the Equal Justice Initiative. Hip and industrial, it resembles a coffee shop that one might find in San Francisco. It seems odd for such a place to look out on a former slave market, especially given the historic connection between slavery and coffee. Yet these two spaces appear to be in deep conversation with each other. The shop’s owners, who are white, got interested in ethically sourced coffee while working for an N.G.O. in West Africa. We ordered coffee and biscuits and wondered whether the past that has made Alabama infamous could be a force for economic development, as the new memorial draws visitors to the area. Would that revival benefit its citizens equally? The name of the coffee shop, which isn’t visible from the street outside, is Prevail Union.

 

Between the fountain and the Alabama River, the Legacy Museum occupies a building that was once a warehouse for human chattel. Just past the entrance, a ramp slopes down to five “slave pens,” behind which ghostly holograms in nineteenth-century costume tell their stories. Visitors huddle around the pens and listen closely, as the figures speak in hushed tones. The effect is authentic—maybe because this is a building where such scenes took place, and the testimonies are those of real people. The ghostly prisoners include two children dressed in white nightshirts. “Mama!” they cry. “Mama?”

 

As visitors leave the ghosts in the cages, the museum painstakingly shows how slavery, after Reconstruction, was “dusted off and repurposed” in the American penal system. The words of an enslaved man named Aaron, near the entrance, seem to have prophesied a person like Stevenson: “Go to the slave auction! See humans from infancy to gray hairs sold. See human souls bartered for cash. See families that God hath joined together, separated, never more to meet in this world. Count, if you can, the groans, fathom the bitter woes, occasioned by these separations . . . . Follow out the investigation into its detail, and you will begin to learn the greatness of the sin.”

 

One exhibit wall holds shelves of Mason jars filled with soil from lynching sites.

 

We think of racial violence in the South as male violence—men in white hoods—but the memorial makes the role of Southern women explicit. As Ida B. Wells wrote in “Southern Horrors,” “Nobody in this section of the country believes the old thread-bare lie that Negro men rape white women. If Southern white men are not careful, they will overreach themselves and public sentiment will have a reaction; a conclusion will then be reached which will be very damaging to the moral reputation of their women.”

 

The rain moved on, and the sun went in and out of gray clouds. The steel slabs threw ovoid shadows onto the wooden floor—shadows with a softer and more human shape than their steel counterparts. I Googled the county where my grandmother is buried, next to her husband and her parents. We had been there in 2005, for her memorial, driving through green Kentucky horse country, noting Confederate flags from the windows of the rental car. There was one ragged, nearly translucent specimen, like something from a Hollywood movie about the South. The cemetery is in Breckinridge County, and so that was the region I looked for at the memorial. I finally stopped to ask a young man in an Equal Justice Initiative T-shirt; as soon as I asked the question, though, I looked up—we were standing underneath it. There were three names, representing the lynchings in Breckinridge County that the Initiative has been able to document:

Dick Casey

Beverly Stewart

Henry Watson

“You found it,” Allyson said.

I said that I’d kind of been hoping I wouldn’t find it—that Breckinridge might be the sole Southern county in which there had been no lynchings.

Allyson nodded. “I’ve been afraid that I would find my family’s name,” she said.

 

According to officials and security guards at the memorial, the residents of Montgomery are not visiting the memorial or museum. “I’ve seen more Europeans than Montgomerians,” one security guard said.

Read the whole thing here.

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Linkage: The Other Side of Russiagate

Fabrizio del Wrongo writes:

 

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Low and Dishonest

Fenster writes:

Fake news is mostly a matter of not covering certain things.  But it can also be a matter of indirection.

Squirrel!!

At its worst it dives right in and absolutely bathes in the warm waters of dishonesty, naked but oddly unafraid.

Here is a good example of the latter.

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Naked Lady of the Week: Polina Kadynskaya

Fabrizio del Wrongo writes:

v-cover

As far as I can tell Polina has two stage names: Viva and Georgia. Of the two I think Viva suits her best. She is a vivacious presence.

In looking through a bunch of her photos I was struck by how rarely she looks dirty or salacious. Gil Elvgren pin-ups have more edge than Polina.

She’s Russian, naturally. Does she look anything but Russian?

On theNUDE.eu she is currently the top-ranked model. Looks like she was also voted Newcomer of the Year for 2017.

Nudity below. Have a great weekend.

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A Not-So-Distant Mirror

Fenster writes:

Swedes are different from Norwegians and Lord knows they are both different from those crazy Finns originally from some place way far to the East.  But Danes are distinctive too.

The manner by which they have chosen to deal with the migrant issue is quite different from the Swedes, and telling in terms of cultural difference.  The Danes are trying to square a difficult circle, looking to limit the impact of cultural values they find uncongenial to their way of life.  That process requires them to actually stand for something, to define a way of life worth defending.  They can come across as harsh in limiting new arrivals and for insisting on assimilation for those already arrived.  But you can’t always beat intolerance with the same brand of tolerance that you like about your own culture.

I am sure the Danish way is no easy thing.  Coming to grips with what you wish to preserve about your own culture runs against the consensus view that universal values are bound to prevail if we just stick with them.

But there must be another level, too.  It would be one thing if a nation simply woke up one day to find many others with different cultural values had suddenly arrived unannounced in the middle of the night.  That would pose a set of challenges but at least the host nation would have not been complicit in its new predicament.

But what is it about Scandinavia–indeed all of Western Europe west of the Hajnal Line that we most associate with high trust civilizations–that seems to have invited the new values in?  What is it about those new values that appealed?  What is it about the old ways, as they were experienced, that made the new values attractive?

Again, let’s go to the videotape!

Department Q is a Danish crime mini-series–a trilogy, really, short but not so sweet. It concerns a pair of apparently mismatched detectives: your by-now clichéd world weary detective–the Dane–required by circumstances to partner with a Muslim from abroad.

One might think that since Sweden touts its virtues on immigration so loudly that you would find Muslims proudly showcased in Swedish noir more than you would find them in Danish noir.  But that is not the case.  Most Swedish crime films and mini-series simply ignore Muslims, as though they do not exist.  One way to do that is to shift the venue so that Muslims are not present, the better to find villainy among the deplorables of one’s own kind.  Here’s the description of the Swedish mini-series Saknad:

Police superintendent Maja Silver goes back to her old hometown in the Swedish Bible belt to see her daughter, when a terrible discovery paralyzes the small community.

To cut to the chase, so to speak: yes, the local pastor is the bad guy.

By contrast Department Q brings a Muslim right into a lead role.  The manner by which this is handled, though, is interesting and perhaps instructive to those of us on the other side of the ocean trying to guess at what is actually going on in Europe.

Here is a scene that gets to the nub of it.  Our Danish detective is not just world-weary in the conventional Sam Spade sense.  He is world weary in the Kierkegaardian sense as well.  He’s got that darned sickness-unto-death thing going on.

Consider this exchange in which the Muslim partner describes his faith while the Danish detective reveals his lack of it.

The Dane’s lack of faith is clearly killing him.  And though he resolutely defends his barren ways you see him circle his partner’s beliefs warily, obviously interested at some level.  He has lost God and faintly sees his partner as offering a path back.

His partner in turn is nothing but warm, sincere and non-dogmatic.

Carl, I don’t believe that I am going to Paradise, or up to meet my family when I die.  But I believe in something larger than us, and it makes me happy.

But he will have none of his partner’s bleakness.

You believe in a black hole.   That nothing means anything.  No thanks.

The Muslim partner, as it turns out, is more or less Danish–that is to say an ideal Dane who has retained the decency and values of our modern age but has found his way back somehow to belief.  He is, in effect, the Danish version of the Magical Negro in American narratives.

So one one level Department Q portrays Muslims in an intentionally naive way.  The Muslim partner is hardly threatening.  Yet Denmark would not be pushing back against Islamic values if it didn’t see them as a threat.

The message I see under the surface:

“OK, our culture has become enervated and we have turned to believers to help us reclaim belief.  But there must be some way for us to grow a spine while still holding on to the Danish ways we cherish.

We recognize now that there is a risk to accepting unlimited amounts of a harder-edged culture.  Bathwater comes with the babies.  Perhaps we should put a brake on the demand for more and deal squarely with the world that we have been complicit in making.  If we take active control of it, it is quite possible that the Muslims in our culture will not overwhelm our Danish ways, and that we can benefit from what they offer us.”

It’s not a perfect solution but the perfect is the enemy of the good.  Assimilation, despite the gauzy mythology that has developed around it, has a hard edge to it.  But is it too late for the Danes?  For Western Europe?  For the United States?

 

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Swedes and Norwegians

Fenster writes:

My ancestors emigrated from Sweden, close enough to the Norwegian border as to have my mother speculate that we might be part Norwegian.  She never explained the difference and so I grew up thinking the two nationalities were more or less peas in a pod, though in fact there are pronounced differences.

This was pointed out to me a while back by someone who frequents this site.  I had written about the Norwegian mini-series Occupied, remarking that there was a martial aspect to the show that I did not associate with the placid land of my ancestors.  He pointed to the different historical circumstances of the two countries, including their conflicts with one another.

You can see some of those changes playing out today, in the different ways the two countries (the people more than the elites) consider the question of mass migration.  I also watch a lot of Scandinavian mini-series and films and you can pick up some of the differences there, too.

Consider the film In Order of Disappearance.  It is a Norwegian film, directed by Hans Petter Moland.  The film concerns the troubles that fall upon Nils–a Norwegian in the film but played by the well-known Swedish actor Stellan Skarsgård. 

Nils is an honorable and self-effacing man who dutifully plows the snow and keeps the roads clear in the mountains of Norway.  His son is killed after getting caught up in drug trafficking by Serbians and Nils is pitched into a new, harder way of being.   The plot, then, deals with the potential downsides of immigration, something that tends to be avoided in Nordic Noir, especially from Sweden.

Here is Moland discussing the film in the special features section of the DVD.  Note he is quite straightforward about the problem of Serbian crime and culture in Norway.  The Norwegian speaks:

What does a society do that is benign, innocent, that is completely unprepared for dealing with organized crime, and the cynicism and the harshness of someone who is so used to destroying other human beings?

And now on to Skarsgård, the Swede.

It’s a big mistake when you divide the world into good guys and bad guys because we are all  capable of the worst . . .

Glasses can be half empty or half full.

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